The Escuelita Zapatista is a path of education from below in which thousands of people from all over the world have been able to share, together with the indigenous Zapatistas, forms of participation aimed at the collective exercise of the principles of autonomy and democracy.
Problems and Purpose
L'Escuelita zapatista is a path of learning, exchange and meeting to which the resistant communities of Chiapas invited local, national and international civil society in 2013. A path of education from below in which thousands of people from all over the world were able to share, together with the indigenous Zapatistas, forms of participation aimed at the collective exercise of the principles of autonomy and democracy:
«According to us Zapatistas, the place of teaching and learning, the school, is the collective. That is, the community. And the teachers @ and the students form the collective. All and all. So that there is no teacher or teacher, but there is a collective that teaches, that shows, that forms, and in it and with it the person learns and, in turn, teaches. " (EZLN, 2013e)
Background History and Context
The first level of the Zapatista Escuelita was held in August 2013 and saw the participation, in Zapatista territory, of 1,700 people from Mexico and the world. A second and third stage I level were organized between December and January 2013/2014, for a total of 5000 "pupils" participating. Finally, the II level opened in May 2014 and ended at the end of September of the same year.
Since the uprising of the indigenous communities of Chiapas on January 1, 1994, the relationship and dialogue with what the Zapatistas call "civil society" in Mexico and the world has always been of fundamental importance (EZLN, 2005 ).
Their path of building democracy and autonomy "from the bottom and the left" was both a concrete example of a "new political culture" - thanks to which they provided "a fundamental contribution to the left and the movements in terms of reflection and political analysis anticipating that debate that developed in the world Social Forums starting from the year 2000 "(Tatawelo, 2011) -, but also an active tool for the construction of new forms of political participation and transnational alliances, at the height of an era now globalized.
«Zapatismo is not a new political ideology or a reinterpretation of old ideologies. Zapatismo is not, it does not exist. It only serves, as bridges do, to cross from one side to the other. Each has its one and other side. There are no universal recipes, lines, strategies, tactics, laws, regulations or slogans. There is only one desire: to build a better world, that is, a new one "(EZLN, 1996, my translation)
This is the posture with which the Zapatistas and Zapatistas inaugurate a long path of articulation between themselves and national and international civil society, a path marked by the creation of different forms of encounter in which the "feeling-thinking "Zapatista: listening to differences, mutual respect for the dignity and" ways "of each one, the search for" a world that contains many worlds "and not the imposition of a single model for all. With this spirit, in August 1996, the EZLN summons various social and political realities to participate in the first great moment of global gathering in Chiapas: the Encuentro Intercontinental por la Humanidad y contra el Neoliberalismo (EZLN, 1996). P >
And with the same posture, in 2005, he published the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. A political text in which the Zapatistas and the Zapatistas reaffirm their history, their identity and re-launch towards a new future political strategy: the construction of a national and world alliance with all the forces mobilizing for a better world, for " the future of humanity "and for" an alternative to neoliberal destruction "(EZLN, 2005).
With this text the Zapatistas inaugurate, in 2005/2006 and in conjunction with the political elections, a path that takes the name of "Other Campaign" (the Otra Campaña) in which, outside the institutional politics of the parties, they build and consolidate relationships and objectives with all those who, in Mexico, believe in "another way of doing politics" for which it is not a question of taking power but of "revolutionizing its relationship with those who exercise it and those who suffer it" (EZLN, 2005).
As during the 1994 insurrection, what is at stake is still that of a new Constitution, "that is, new laws that take into account the demands of the Mexican people which are: home, land, work, food, health, education, information, culture, independence, democracy, justice, freedom and peace ", and which are an expression of the demands of democratic civil society, excluded and marginalized by institutional politics (EZLN, 2005).
In the international context, however, the Sixth Declaration opens to the construction of an active solidarity with the social movements of Latin America - they cite, in the text, the indigenous mobilizations in Bolivia and Ecuador, the piquetere and Argentine student struggles, those of the Mapuche people in Chile, passing through Cuba and Brazil - and of the whole world, from Europe, to Asia, Africa and Oceania.
Between 2005 and 2008 new international meetings take place "that are not from the pulpit, where few speak and all the others listen, but without altars, as equals, where everyone talks, and in order ... with a good organization ... so that everyone talks about it with his companions and companions in his worlds "(EZLN, 2005). The first, between 2006 and early 2007, with the title Encuentro de Pueblos Zapatistas con los Pueblos del Mundo, saw the participation of thousands of people in learning and exchange activities directly in the territories of the Zapatista communities (EZLN, 2006, 2007a, 2007b). While the others, at the turn of 2008 and 2009, with the name of Festival de la Digna Rabia, represent a rallying call from social and political organizations to expose their experiences of resistance and social struggle (EZLN, 2008a). < / p>
Each of these moments responds to the deep crisis, to the "capistalist torment" as the Zapatistas call it (EZLN, 2016), which socially and politically crosses the local and global level, and therefore to the urgency to find spaces for sharing and devising a possible alternative. But not only that: they also represent a concrete possibility of strengthening, growth and transformation within the autonomy project in the face of the condition of permanent attack in which the resistant communities find themselves.
As the Zapatistas explain, in fact, it is during the years of the consolidation of self-government and the self-management capacities of the Zapatista communities, particularly from 2003 onwards, that the Mexican government begins what the EZLN calls a "low-level war. intensity "no longer (or not only) with the firearms of the paramilitaries, but also with those of the economy and politics. Raul Zibechi speaks, by the way, of "counter-insurgency policies" carried out, in different ways, by all the neoliberal governments of Latin America. Policies that aim to weaken and destroy the forms of autonomous organization of the population by replacing them with relations of dependence on the state and with promises of development based on consumerist models and social competition, on the privatization of common lands and on the purchase of political votes (Zibechi, 2010).
In the face of all this, about four years of suspension of public activities will follow from 2009. Years in which the Zapatistas and Zapatistas concentrate their energies on strengthening the internal organization and reformulating future political strategies. Until, on December 12, 2012 - for the western media the date of the end of the world and for the Mayan calendar, the beginning of a new era - thousands of balaclavas return to march through the streets of the Chiapas capitals, in silence. P >
From this moment on, a new phase of Zapatista politics begins, inaugurated by: 1) seven press releases entitled Them and Us - in which they underline the difference between the political culture of the ruling elite and that of those who are "low and left ", 2) the publication of La Sexta, a text of new opening to national and international civil society aimed at establishing the" yes "with which to relaunch the alliances of the past and build new ones, 3) the announcement of the Escuelita Zapatista.
A new form of participation and encounter between different "worlds and" ways ", the Esculelita represents a fundamental stage of the Zapatista path through which the twenty-year experience of indigenous self-government becomes a terrain of experimentation, learning and sharing for thousands of people from all over the world.
The reasons behind the organization of this event are mainly three: 1) the training, within the autonomous organization, of the new generation of indigenous and indigenous zapatista / i who, on the occasion of the Escuelita, would have been those directly charged with the mediation, guidance and learning of and of the participants 2) the strengthening of ties with the indigenous peoples of Mexico adhering to the CNI (National Indigenous Congress) 3) the renewal, through new forms, principles and objectives, of alliance with civil society.
Since it is not possible to know the details of the first and second point, it will be possible to focus only on the third, the one that analyzes and tells the Escuelita event from the point of view of those who participated in it as a civil society. p >
Lasting one week, each tranche of the first level of the Escuelita consisted not of lectures, chairs and professors, but of the active participation of each pupil in the daily life of the Zapatista indigenous communities. p >
Organizing, Supporting, and Funding Entities
The sole promoter of the Escuelita is the EZLN, through the activity of its "support bases", the name used to indicate the indigenous communities that participate in the Zapatista self-government, that is forms of organization of life based on integral autonomy with respect to the government system, subsidies and services provided by the State.
Thanks to the preparatory work for months, as well as the previous training to which the host communities themselves and the Votan have undergone (see paragraph Methods), the support bases have guaranteed free reception (food, lodging and transport) to all 5000 participants; establishing the common spaces of the Caracoles (political and administrative centers of each of the five autonomous regions), the open one of the single community and, finally, the home of each of the families as places of the event.
The only paid service (for a minimum of 100 pesos) included the five notebooks prepared in the previous months by the communities, as well as study material during the week of the Escuelita: a self-inquiry work in which each autonomous region shows the functioning, goals and problems of its own path of democratic self-government from different perspectives - political system, alternative social institutions, women's organization.
Furthermore, as happened for the previous international meetings, the CIDECI UniTierra of San Cristobal de Las Casas (Indigenous Center for Integral Training) offered its spaces as a meeting place for guests in the city and for the registration of students / i before and after their stay in the communities.
Participant Recruitment and Selection
As mentioned, the Escuelita was anticipated by some press releases published on the enlacezapatista.org website which gradually introduced female readers to the school event. These press releases, which appeared starting from the "media reappearance" of the Zapatistas on December 12, 2012, not only revealed, little by little, the particular nature of this "small school", but also the ethical and political principles on which this school would be based . The latter worked as the first tools of direct and indirect "selection" among those who, in civil society, recognized themselves or not.
Indirect because it was not a question of establishing criteria of exclusion or inclusion, but rather of sharing a situated vision of the world, a social positioning, a "look" from below which, from the Zapatista indigenous lands, could illuminate other gazes, show them divergences or coincide with those of people from the most remote regions of the planet.
As they and us write in the press release IV. The sufferings of the bass: «even if neither you nor we still know it, we are part of a bigger 'we' and yet to be built» (EZLN, 2013a). A "we" that includes anyone who deviates from the norm in post from above and therefore suffers on their skin any form of social exclusion or discrimination; which does not seek to remove or hide the infinite and irreducible differences between human beings, but rather values them as the main sources of freedom and democracy to come.
On the basis of this “we”, the text published on February 1st 2013 opens with the title Them and us V. La Sexta. On the basis of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle (see History paragraph), this communiqué aims to specify again the forms of the Zapatista alliance with civil society, what next steps, when to carry them out and with whom. And yet, as the Zapatistas write:
«To summon is not to unite. We do not pretend to unite under one direction, neither Zapatista nor any other filiation. We do not want to co-opt, recruit, replace, demonstrate, simulate, deceive, direct, subordinate, use. The destination is the same, but the difference, the heterogeneity, the autonomy of the ways of proceeding are the richness of the Sixth, they are its strength. We guarantee and guarantee respect, and we ask and ask for respect. The Sixth adheres without any other requirement than the "no" that calls us and the commitment to build the necessary "yes". " (EZLN, 2013b)
It is in this text that, for the first time, they make clear the need for a meeting between the peoples of the Sixth and the Zapatista support bases in the best and most appropriate form "that is: as pupils". And in which they declare the concrete forms of the selection of participants: "For now we only anticipate that those who can and want, and who will be expressly invited by the Sixth-EZLN, put together the money to be able to travel to Zapatista lands on dates to be specified" ( EZLN, 2013b).
For this reason there was also mention of a direct selection that was adopted on the occasion of the first tranche of the first level of the Escuelita, in August 2013. In this case, in fact, hundreds of people and social / political organizations that have been walking for years together with and with the Zapatistas they received a formal invitation to participate. While on the occasion of the second and third sessions of December and January 2013/2014, anyone interested in participating - individual or community - was required to send an email with presentation and motivation and then wait for a confirmation response from the EZLN.
In the latter case, the opening was 360 degrees. There were no selection criteria, but only the careful reading of:
«list of what you need to attend school in the community. Without these requirements you WILL NOT BE ADMITTED: indisposition to speak and judge, willingness to listen and look, an open heart. It does not matter your race, age, gender, sexual preference, place of origin, religion, education, height, weight, physical appearance, the team you support, your "seniority" in following the Zapatismo, ... nor your shoes or if you are barefoot ”(EZLN, 2013e)
At this link you can find the statistical data that the EZLN has published regarding the composition of the group of and participants in the first tranche of the Escuelita: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/06/28/i-condiscepoli-v-legli-student / .
Methods and Tools Used
Know what methods or tools were used during this initiative? Help us complete this section!
Deliberations, Decisions, and Public Interaction
The Escuelita Zapatista took place within the Zapatista communities: here thousands of indigenous families, inhabitants of small villages scattered between the region of the Chiapas plateaus, the northern part of the Selva and the southern part bordering Guatemala, they welcomed as many pupils from all five continents into their homes. In addition to a first day of exposition of the history and political system of Zapatista self-government - in which a teacher or teacher answered the questions and doubts of the participants -, the rest of the school consisted in sharing the daily routine of community life: participation in trabajos collectivos (collective works) - such as the harvesting of corn or chilli, the production of cane sugar or bread - at moments of leisure or housework, at the autonomous institutions of health, education and justice. "In other words, in those days you will be part of an indigenous Zapatista family" (EZLN, 2013e).
Furthermore, each pupil or pupil had the task of studying, during specific moments of the day, the four school notebooks: tools of extraordinary importance in which communities tell about themselves, analyzing from the inside the work of social and political transformation twenty years of Zapatista autonomy, showing its history, difficulties and developments.
A fundamental figure of the Escuelita was the Votán:
«Because Votán is, as it were, the backbone of the school. It is the method, the study plan, the teacher-teacher, the school, the classroom, the blackboard, the notebook, the pen, the desk with the apple, the recreation, the exam, the diploma, the gown and the touch »(EZLN, 2013e)
Votán is a Mayan word that is difficult to translate and which for the Zapatistas means "guardian and heart of the people" or "guardian and heart of the earth", or "guardian and heart of the world". During the school, the Votán was the guardian or guardian of each participant, the person-guide, who, assigned to the pupil on the first day of the Escuelita, would sleep, eat, in short, share with her or him every moment of community life. In essence, it was the one who allowed the translation of the indigenous Zapatista world, in the broadest sense of translating an entire cosmovision, from the language (the indigenous people spoke the Mayan languages, tojolabal, tzotzil, tzeltal and chol which the Votàn translated into Spanish) , to the culture, social and political organization, memory and history of the EZLN, answered any doubt or question of his pupil and accompanied him in reading the study notebooks.
As Votán II wrote in the communiqué. The guardian (s) @:
«Your Votán is a great collective concentrated in one person. He or she neither speaks nor listens as an individual person. Each Votán is all of us and all the Zapatistas. " (EZLN, 2013e)
It was not, in fact, an individual relationship, but a collective, ethical and political relationship, between the pupil or pupil and a specific "we", that of the entire resistant Zapatista organization, embodied by the single person of the Votán: in thousands of Votán, one for each pupil. For this reason, any form of individual gift was forbidden, by the pupils participating in their Votán or their family. Any donation had to be delivered at the time of registration or at the end of the experience and would be redistributed to the different communities according to specific needs.
Influence, Outcomes, and Effects
The Escuelita Zapatista did not foresee a final synthesis or a specific objective. The purpose was none other than the experience itself and the effects that would emerge from this, over time.
As the subtitle of the Escuelita says, "La libertad segun las y los zapatistas", the objective of learning was to experience, hand-to-hand, the political process of community life; to grasp, through daily sharing, the concrete forms of freedom within the Zapatista organization, the invention of a direct democracy with its institutions of autonomy and its alternative economy. It was to participate through practices and beyond words to the
«Zapatista indigenous definition of freedom: to govern and govern ourselves according to our ways, in our geography and in this calendar. Yes, “in our geography and in this calendar” marks a considerable distance from other projects. Not only does it warn that it is not a model to follow (some things have succeeded, others not), a new gospel or a fashion to be exported. It is not even a "manual for the construction of freedom". Not even for all the native peoples of Mexico, and even less for the peoples fighting in every corner of the world ... What you will see is valid for us now. New generations will build their own roads, with their own ways and their own times. The concept of freedom does not include slavery towards oneself "(EZLN, 2013e)
Learn, therefore, to listen and observe other ways of practicing resistance and emancipation, staying in the open and transformative space of translation, experiencing the difference without trying to "understand" it (taking it with you, grasping it and reducing it to own categories) but without even idealizing it and setting it up as a model.
With that certain irony that characterizes the Zapatista manner of expression, Subcomandante Marcos (media figure of the EZLN, spokesperson for the organization) explained in a statement prior to the Escuelita what would be the form of the "final evaluation" for decide who would advance to the next level in school:
«It's the hardest you ever imagined. There will be no exam, thesis or multiple choice test; nor will there be a jury, or a synodal group with university degrees. The evaluation will be made by your reality, in your calendar and geography, and your synod will be ... a mirror. There you will see if you can answer the only question of the final exam: What is freedom in your opinion - you? Good. Health and believe me, I say this from direct experience, what you learn the most here is to ask. And it's worth it. " (EZLN, 2013e)
Evaluation - the mirror in which all pupils have had to re-know themselves as a result of the experience - marks the time and space of the effects and results of the school.
A process of subjectivation that is up to everyone, everyone. In fact, being able to participate in a form of democracy that gives importance and dignity to the individual as well as to the community, in which each person, in his or her gender, ethnicity, age difference is an integral part of collective decisions and concrete ways of solving problems , in which "the people command and the government obey", can only have a transformative, not to say shocking effect, on those who come from societies where the fate of all is in the hands of a few, of those in power and who have the power.
L'Escuelita therefore offered the possibility of experimenting with another way of doing politics, offering tools with which to grasp the multiplicity of worlds that make up this world, and a "toolbox" with which to inaugurate new practices of social and political participation in the territories of origin of each one.
As Raul Zibechi, Uruguayan journalist and school pupil writes:
"There will be a before and after the Zapatista Escuelita. Of the recent one and of those to come. It will be a slow, widespread impact, which will be felt in a few years but which will mark the lives of those below for decades. What we experienced was a non-institutional education, where the community is the subject that educates. Face-to-face self-education, learning with soul and body, as the poet would say. (Zibechi, 2013)
Analysis and Lessons Learned
During the Zapatista Escuelita, pupils experienced learning as an ethic of encounter (Piccardi, Scotini, 2013). And therefore, as the Mexican thinker Gustavo Esteva and a pupil of the school argues, they have "relearned to learn" (Esteva, 2013). There were no teachers or professional pedagogues, no one taught the truth to anyone else, on the contrary "words failed because we were witnesses of radical innovations that did not come from books, parchments or ideologies, but from practices that required a commitment of the imagination »(Esteva, 2013).
If you retrace the history of the meetings organized by the Zapatistas with civil society, you realize that the Escuelita was an exceptional event. Here the indigenous communities wanted to share what is most important to them: daily life, home, food and words, in short, the social relationships that make up the very heart of their alternative organization. The Zapatista "little school" taught that democracy and freedom start from here, from what is apparently simpler, and that only here, in the hand-to-hand sharing of daily life, can learning between experiences and worlds take place. so different.
In other words, the school was no longer the space of a single and neutral knowledge transmitted from the teacher's desk to the desks and politics was not the clash of opposing positions between irreconcilable experiences, in which one dominates the other. On the contrary, the Zapatistas and the Zapatistas have taught that the school can become the political instrument of encounter between differences, where one learns to listen to the other, starting from the sharing of ethical principles that cultivate respect for one's dignity and than that of others.
However, as the French historian Jérôme Baschet shows, the "movement of subversion" wrought by and by the Zapatistas has been even more radical and bearer of a lesson equal to the global challenges of the 21st century. The choice of proposing, by deconstructing it, the model of a "school" lies within the idea that the time has come to overturn the roles imposed by the paradigm of Eurocentric modernity. And so
“to listen to those who, for centuries, have not had a voice, to open up more to what indigenous peoples, especially the Zapatista rebels, can transmit to us. Accepting the posture of the pupil of the Escuelita means, first of all and without any subordination, placing oneself in a position of listening and observation. In a word, learning from the Zapatista experience "(Baschet, 2014)
Referring to the expression of the anthropologist Andres Aubry, an intellectual deeply esteemed by the Zapatistas, Baschet argues that the Zapatista gesture is equivalent to that "overturning of an omelette" the French scholar spoke of when he showed the twist of gaze encountered in indigenous territory rebel: "We have become students: not indigenous scholars, but his students" (Aubry, 2001) And he invites us to reflect on the words that Subcomandante Marcos uttered during a seminar organized by the Zapatistas in his memory:
“Aubry didn't look at us the way other people who work in communities or with indigenous people do, that is, as the perpetual evangelized, the eternal boys and girls. Aubry looked at us ... as if he were aware of the fact that history could turn upside down at any moment, or as if this had already happened in the Zapatista communities, and the natives were the evangelizers, the teachers, and in front of them they were not worth the PhDs abroad and the height of the pile of written books »(Marcos, 2007)
Faced with the profound crisis that representative Western-style democracies are going through globally, the Escuelita indicates a paradigm shift and new horizons of social transformation. Contrary to what school textbooks teach us, democracy has no pedigree and the West cannot imprint its trademark on it. To quote Marcos, "our dead say that we must know how to look and listen to everything, but that in the South there will always be a special richness" (EZLN, 2013d).
During the Escuelita the opportunity was given to share a week of that wealth, trying to provincialize the gaze of those who come from countries with a colonial past and who have written history from their point of view, to learn from those which, in the last twenty years, are starting to rewrite it all over again.
Aubry, Andrs (2001) Speech at the awarding of the Chiapas de Ciencias Prize, quoted in Jérôme Baschet, 2014
Baschet, Jérôme (2014) The Zapatista Escuelita and the contagion of autonomy. Learning by asking, heart to heart, Nodo Solidale (edited by), Elementi Kairos [digital version in French: http://www.lavoiedujaguar.net/L-Escuelita-zapatiste-et-al ]
Esteva, Gustavo (2013) Learning to learn, Chiapas Maribel Committee, original text on La Jornada: http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2013/08/05/opinion/022a1pol
EZLN (2013e) Votan II. The guardian (s) @, https://chiapasbg.com/2013/07/31/votan-ii/
(2013d) The co-disciples V. The students @, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/06/27/ls-condiscipuls-v-ls-estudiants/
(2013c) Them and Us VII. The smallest (s) @ 7 and last. Doubts, shadows and the summary in one word, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/03/14/ellos-y-nosotros- vii-ls-mas-pequens-7-y-last-dudas-sombras-y-un-resumen-en-una-palabra /
(2013b) Them and Us. V.- La sexta, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/01/26/ellos-y-nosotros-v-la-sexta-2/
(2013a) Them and us. IV - The suffering of the bass, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/01/24/ellos-y-nosotros-iv-los-dolores-de-abajo/
(2012) EZLN announces the following steps. Press release dated 30 December 2012, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2012/12/30/el-ezln-anuncia-sus-pasos-siguientes-comunicado-del-30-de- December-2012 /
(2008b) Comunicado of the CCRI-CG of the EZLN, Comision Sexta-Comision Intergalactica of the EZLN, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2008/09/15/comunicado-del-ccri- cg-del-ezln-comision-sexta-comision-intergalactica-del-ezln /
(2008a) Comunicado de la Comisión Sexta y la Comisión Intergaláctica del EZLN al @ s participantes of the Festival, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2008/ 11/29 / comunicado-de-la-comision-sexta-y-la-comision-intergalactica-del-ezln-a-ls-participantes-del-festival /
(2007b) Information about the Tercer Encuentro de los Pueblos Zapatistas with the Pueblos del Mundo, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2007/12/23/informacion-acerca -del-tercer-encuentro-de-los-pueblos-zapatistas-with-los-pueblos-del-mundo /
(2007a) II Encuentro de los pueblos zapatistas with los pueblos del mundo, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2007/06/29/ii-encuentro-de-los-pueblos-zapatistas- with-los-pueblos-del-mundo /
(2006) Invitación a la Otra Campaña at the Encuentro de Pueblos Zapatistas with the Pueblos del Mundo, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2006/12/12/ invitacion-a-la-otra-campana-al-encuentro-de-pueblos-zapatistas-con-los-pueblos-del-mundo /
(2005b) Del EZLN a tod @ sl @ s adherentes in La Otra, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2005/12/15/del-ezln-a-tods-ls-adherentes-a-la -otra /
(2005) Sixth declaration of the Selva Lacandona, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2005/06/30/sexta-declaracion-de-la-selva-lacandona/
(1996) Invitation to the Encuentro Intercontinental por la Humanidad y contra el Neoliberalismo, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/1996/06/09/invitacion-al-encuentro-intercontinental-por-la- humanidad-y-contra-el-neoliberalism /
Marcos (2007), In the Center in the Suburbs I. Arriba. Pensar el Blanco, International Colloquium in memoriam Andres Aubry, San Cristobal de Las Casas, Cideci-Unitierra, http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2007/12/13/conferencia-del-dia-13-de-diciembre -a-las-900-am /
Piccardi, Gea and Scotini, Duccio (2013) Votán Zapata, Alfabeta2, https://www.alfabeta2.it/2013/11/24/votan-zapata/
Tatawelo, LiberoMondo Association and Cooperative (2011) Walking asking. The Zapatista movement and the Tatawelo project, https://issuu.com/liberomondo/docs/camminare_domandando
Zibech, Raul (2013) Le escuelitas del basso, Chiapas Maribel Committee, original text on La Jornada: http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2013/08/23/opinion/023a1pol
Lead image: School for Chiapas https://goo.gl/jnMBf4