Problems and Purpose

The protests emerged as a massive youth-led and anti-corruption movement, which was in response to the government’s decision to ban 26 social media platforms under the new Ministry of Communication and Information Technology regulations (Dahal, Atkinson, and Khan, 2025, n.p). For many people in Nepal, especially the youth, this was perceived as censorship of freedom of speech and expression, and as a direct shutdown and attack on vital platforms used for work, family communication, and political discourse (Subedi, 2025, n.p).

The ban was a catalyst, activating deeper frustrations around corruption, nepotism, youth unemployment, lack of accountability, and lack of transparency apparent in Nepal’s political system (Subedi, 2025, n.p). Thus, protestors framed their demands not only around the social media ban, but also in terms of transparency, democratic responsiveness, citizen rights, and government accountability. Therefore, the purpose of the protests was, at its core, to challenge the perceived erosion of democracy.

Gen Z Protests and the posters used (Hindustan Times, 2025).

Background History and Context

The “Gen Z Protests” started from a wider pattern of frustration and disillusionment in Nepal, where structural economic inequalities, weaknesses and political corruption have long undermined its democratic legitimacy (Choudhury, Dawar, and Cheema, 2025, n.p). Furthermore, youth unemployment in Nepal stood at approximately 20%. Coincidentally, digital technology became popular and central to the Nepali people’s, especially young people’s, lives as this offered employment, economic possibilities, and a space for political discourse (Choudhury et al., 2025, n.p).

Mobilisation first occurred online with the “#NepoBaby” and “#NepoKids” trend. This online trend highlighted the lavish lifestyles of politicians and their families compared to the low per-capita income of ordinary citizens (Dahal et al., 2025, n.p). This trend took an explicit anti-elitist and anti-corruption tone. Importantly, critics argued and alleged that the new Ministry of Communication and Information Technology regulations and the subsequent social media ban was the result of this trend (NDTV World, 2025, n.p). This hashtag carried over and was used in the street protests to further highlight Nepalese economic hardships, corruption, nepotism, and a stand against the elite (Dahal et al., 2025, n.p).

Organizing, Supporting, and Funding Entities

The protests were largely leaderless and primarily youth-led. Coordination emerged through digital platforms and spaces, instead of formal, political, or structural organisations. Despite the social media ban, protestors used Virtual Private Networks (VPNs), Discord chats, and QR codes to communicate and mobilise (Hameed and Mir, 2025, n.p). VPNs allow users to bypass and circumvent state censorship, and access banned platforms and websites. Discord, a free messaging digital platform that allows for many users to chat in specific servers (a virtual meeting space within the Discord platform), created a space for large coordination, debate, planning, and the ushering of a new Prime Minister (Kharel, 2025). Lastly, QR codes, which are scannable barcodes that have digital links, were printed on posters and shared in Nepal’s public spaces, directing users to specific Discord servers. The movement was not entirely decentralised because Hami Nepal (a non-governmental organisation or NGO) used Instagram and Discord groups to spread protest information and assist with mobilisation (Lamsal and Tuladhar, 2025, n.p). Thus, social media activism and the usage of digital platforms acted as a requirement tool and organisational apparatus. However, the absence of a central leadership created rapid and efficient mobilisation, but was also spontaneous, dangerous, and difficult to control (Tiwari and Sharma, 2025, n.p).

Participant Recruitment and Selection

Participation in these protests were evidently open, voluntary, and had no selection requirements, which reflected the movement’s inclusive and digital technological nature (Khan, 2025, n.p). These demonstrations were unlike formal participatory processes such as citizens assembly, consultations, or referenda. Furthermore, there was no structured recruitment or selection process. The protestors were mainly made up of Generation Z, those born between 1997 and 2012, university students, young professionals, emerging graduates, and unemployed youth who all lost hope and faith in Nepal’s political institutions (Subedi, 2025, n.p).

Methods and Tools Used

Overarching Methodology

The 2025 Gen Z Protests relied on digital coordination and youth-led participation rather than traditional political party or organisational-based mobilisation. The overarching method of the protests could be termed, leaderless online mobilisation. This was because many young people of Nepal organised, leaderless demonstrations and mobilisation, through digital platforms after the government’s decision to ban social media (Hameed and Mir, 2025, n.p).

Hami Nepal, most known as a humanitarian NGO, assisted with coordination and mobilisation (Lamsal and Tuladhar, 2025, n.p). As mentioned before, Hami Nepal, through Discord servers and social media channels, facilitated communication and protest planning without acting as a formal authority.

Tools and Techniques

Before the ban was put in order social media was used to highlight government corruption, poor state delivery, inequality, and nepotism (KC, 2025, n.p). This was done through the #NepoBaby and #NepoKids posts. However, during the protests (using a VPN and Discord servers) the #GenZProtests and variations of the same hashtag were used to mobilise and activate participants.

Protesters bypassed the ban on networks by using VPNs and posting flyers with QR codes on them, which directed users to secure Discord servers and social media channels to join secure online platforms (Lamsal and Tuladhar, 2025, n.p). Together, these tools created a network for communication and coordination, allowing the movement to continue despite the state implemented restrictions. Discord servers were used as virtual protestor assemblies where participants could debate and discuss protest goals, share information, vote on actions and issues, and plan the next move (CTV News, 2025, n.p). However, this open access put the servers in danger of misinformation and interference (Tiwari and Sharma, 2025, n.p). Importantly, many Discord messages promoted non-violent protests and actions, but others discussed violent and destructive demonstrations.

Following the resignation of former Prime Minister Oli, Hami Nepal hosted a groundbreaking digital vote to select Nepal’s interim leader (Kharel, 2025, n.p). This vote and the discourse surrounding this vote resulted in the Sushila Karki being elected Nepal’s interim leader.

What Went On: Process, Interaction, and Participation

The Nepalese protests occurred over several critical days in September of 2025, which can be divided into distinct phases of digital coordination, mobilisation, violence, and governmental response. What began as a hashtag on social media platforms, exposing corruption and nepotism in Nepal, evolved into one of the largest youth-led uprisings in history.

Phase One: Early Mobilisation (4^th-7^th September 2025)

Following the banning of 26 social media platforms on the 4^th of September, the youth of Nepal (many made up of students and recent graduates) organised using discord servers and Instagram channels. These platforms were overseen by the NGO, Hami Nepal. In these channels or servers protest details were spread, safety tips were shared, and peaceful mobilisation was encouraged. The use of VPNs and QR codes embedded on flyers were used to circumvent the state’s censorship and social media ban (Tiwari and Sharma, 2025, n.p).

These spaces quickly became places of participatory digital citizen dialogues, where government corruption, youth unemployment, and freedom of speech was discussed. Additionally, protest tactics were deliberated, which included advice on strategies to avoid police crackdowns and protest safety (like how to deal with teargas) (Lamsal and Tuladhar, 2025, n.p). This established the leaderless and participatory character of the Gen Z movement in Nepal.

Phase Two: Protest Escalation and Demonstration (8^th-9^th September 2025)

Mass demonstrations started on 8 September 2025 in Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal, near the Federal Parliament building. A great number of protestors gathered under banners, posters, and cards that read #FreeTheNetNepal. The protests were initially peaceful, but the rallies escalated quickly when police forces responded to the demonstrations with tear gas, rubber bullets, water cannons, and live armed ammunition, because one demonstrator threw a rock at a CCTV camera (Kharel, 2025, n.p). Thereafter, curfews were declared and put in place around many cities in Nepal. However, despite these curfews’ protests continued across the country. In response to this growing unrest, the government announced and lifted the social media ban (Aljazeera, n.p, 2025).

On 9 September 2025, demonstrators attempted to enter the Parliament building and its surrounding area. The protesters successfully entered the Parliamentary complex and set the Parliament building on fire. Furthermore, they targeted the residents of ministers, parliamentary members, the president, and the prime minister, which were set on fire (Sharma and Chitrakar, 2025, n.p). These demonstrations marked a turning point in the event, as the Prime Minister and other Nepalese political actors resigned and retreated to safety under military protection (Sharma and Chitrakar, 2025, n.p). This led to the deaths of at least 19 people and 400 more injuries (The Kathmandu Post, 2025, n.p), resulting in the Nepali Army announcing that they would move in and assume control to protect state institutions and restore order in Nepal (The Economic Times, 2025, n.p).

Phase Three: Digital Leadership Selection and Reorganisation (10^th-11^th September)

Now that military enforcement was put in place and expanded, government leadership collapsed and protest coordination shifted, primarily, online. To highlight this, over 100,000 online users joined a single Discord channel (in the form of large group chats), called the ‘Parliament of Nepal’, deliberating on the options for an interim leader in Nepal. In this process participants proposed and debated likely candidates, voting on online polls and discussing in moderated chat rooms (De Viedma, 2025, n.p).

Nepal’s former Chief Justice, Sushila Karki, was chosen as the interim prime minister after multiple rounds of online voting, becoming the first woman in the country’s history to hold the position (De Viedma, 2025, n.p). This process was termed a min-election, seen as a revolutionary demonstration of democratic, participatory, transparent leadership selection conducted outside of formal the formal political sphere (Kharel, 2025, n.p). Lastly, by 11 September 2025, Gen Z Protest representatives met with the Nepali Army and government officials to discuss a transitional arrangement (Indian Express, 2025, n.p). This signalled a movement from spontaneous protests and demonstrations to a coordinated democratic initiative. However, the death toll from ongoing protests kept rising (Hindustan Times, 2025, n.p).

Influence, Outcomes, and Effects

This movement had symbolic, political, and social effects on the Nepalese democratic landscape. The event resulted in 72 deaths and over 2100 injuries across the nation (Sharma, 2025). Substantial damage to property occurred, which included government buildings, houses, and public infrastructure. Interim Prime Minister Karki’s transitional government pledged that the families of those who lost their lives during the protests would be compensated monetarily, and those injured during the protests would be tended to (Gurubacharya, 2025, n.p). Additionally, Karki called for unity for the reconstruction of Nepal, while condemning the destruction caused by the protests. Furthermore, she was determined to help fulfil the demands made by the protestors for good governance, economic equality, and the end of corruption (Burke, 2025, n.p). Lastly, Prime Minister Karki promised investigations into organised acts of violence, destruction, and arson that occurred during the protests.

This movement influenced domestic politics in Nepal. For example, the Hindu Nationalist political party in Nepal, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, condemned the police response and their use of violence during the protests, while calling for the formal ending of the Oli led government (Share Hub Nepal, 2025, n.p). Additionally, the protests drew international attention. The neighbouring countries of Bangladesh and India expressed their condolences and argued for the importance of dialogue (Ethirajan, 2025, n.p) (Dhaka Post, 2025, n.p). The United Nations, called for the investigation into the conduct of the police force and condemned the loss of life during the protests (Dujarric, 2025, n.p). Similarly, multiple human rights organisations, like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, demanded government accountability, and an end to excessive state violence and interference in Nepal (Amnesty International, 2025, n.p) (Human Rights Watch, n.p).

Analysis and Lessons Learned

The 2025 Nepal Gen Z Protests represent an important case for a participatory democratic innovation; especially how youth political participation is being redefined in this digital age. Martyn Barrett and Dimitra Pachi’s (2019, pg. 14) intersecting model of youth civic and political engagement help us interpret the Nepalese movement as a multidimensional interaction between agency, social networks, technological environments, and institutional structures. For this reason, youth engagement (through these protests, demonstrations, and online interactions) in Nepal did not occur as a single, disconnected, and irrelevant event. This youth engagement unfolded across interconnected and intersecting layers of digital spaces, civil activism, and political institutions, which demonstrates the fluid ecology of contemporary youth participation (Barrett and Dimitra, 2019, pg. 15).

Barrett and Pachi (2019, pg. 6) challenge the assumption and narrative that youth are politically apathetic, arguing that they use non-conventional (demonstrations, strikes, social media campaigns like hashtags, online petitions) means opposed to conventional (formal political processes, voting, party membership, consultations, and dialogues) forms of participation. The Gen Z Protests exemplify this argument as many of the young people of Nepal perceived formal political processes as inaccessible, corrupt, hierarchical, and unresponsive (The Kathmandu Post, 2025, n.p). Thus, online activism (through the #NepoKids trend) and street demonstrations became alternative ways of expression, as the Nepali youth used digital instruments to voice their opinion and construct a political public space that circumvented elite control. Therefore, the movement was a critique of political, economic exclusion, and an innovation of democratic renewal.

The fusion of online activism and deliberation, with civic action and demonstration to produce meaningful participation was central to the movement. Online platforms like Discord became a key tool of mobilisation through leaderless networks. The most striking example of this was the online mini election, where Karki was voted in as an interim leader. This represents Barrett and Pachi’s (2019, pg. 6) argument for non-conventional forms of participation that go beyond the voting ballot box. Additionally, this merging of digital activism and civic mobilisation illustrates Barrett and Pachi’s (2019, pg. 15) argument of youth participation intersecting, because it was emotionally charged (psychological), decentralised (political), and radically inclusive (social).

However, the movement did have its limitations. The leaderless character of the movement meant that once goals were achieved, like the lifting of the social media ban and political resignations, the movement had no singular goal and lost some of its momentum. Additionally, state repression and infrastructural damages weakened governmental organisational capacities. Furthermore, Jyoti Koirala (2025, pg. 3) notes in his academic summary of the event, that the openness of the movement exposed itself to state surveillance, misinformation, and external influence. Thus, reflecting how fragile the digital ecosystem can be.

Hence, youth-led activism and digital mobilisation can bring democratic participation back to life but may be symbolic if institutions and policy do not translate from it. The Gen Z Protests represent the creativity, digital fluency, importance, and democratic imagination of young people. The movement managed to configure how democracy can function in an era of digital connectivity. However, it also illustrates the need for organisation, institutional responsiveness, and material support or such movements may risk becoming isolated moments of resistance.

Ultimately, the 2025 Nepal Generation Z Protests stands as an intersecting, multi-level participatory democratic innovation of youth-led action in political systems. It puts itself up as a warning to policymakers, political actors, and scholars of what occurs when society’s most dynamic political participants operate outside, and in defiance of its formal structures.

See Also

https://participedia.net/case/the-fixthecountry-movement-in-ghana

https://participedia.net/case/participatory-democracy-in-the-digital-age-the-case-of-feesmustfall

https://edition.cnn.com/2025/10/04/world/gen-z-protest-movement-explainer-intl

References

AFP. (2025). From Discord to Bitchat, Tech at the Heart of Nepal Protests. CTV News. https://www.ctvnews.ca/world/article/from-discord-to-bitchat-tech-at-the-heart-of-nepal-protests/

Aljazeera. (2025). Nepal appoints first female PM in wake of deadly protests. Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/9/12/nepal-protest-death-toll-reaches-51-as-12500-prisoners-remain-on-the-run

Amnesty International. (2025). Nepal: Independent investigation and accountability needed following deadly crackdown on ‘Gen Z’ protesters. Amnesty International. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/09/nepal-accountability-for-deadly-crackdown-on-gen-z-protesters/

Burke, K. (2025). Nepal’s Interim PM Vows to End Corruption. Deutsche Welle. https://www.dw.com/en/nepals-interim-pm-vows-to-end-corruption/a-73988378

Barret, M., & Pachi, D. (2019). Youth Civic and Political Engagement. Civic and Political Engagement Among Youth. Routledge. London and New York.

Choudhary, D. S., Dawar, T., Cheema, Z. (2025). Nepal’s Gen Z Protests Expose Deeper Frustrations, Regional Stakes. Asia Pacific Foundation Of Canada. https://www.asiapacific.ca/publication/nepals-gen-z-protests-expose-deeper-frustrations-and-regional-stakes

Dahal, P., Atkinson, E., Khan, I. (2025). What we know about Nepal anti-corruption protests as PM resigns. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/crkj0lzlr3ro

De Viedman. (2025). Nepal Elects its First Female Prime Minister on Discord: What it Reveals About Social Media and Democracy. Royal Institute. https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/en/analyses/nepal-elects-its-first-female-prime-minister-on-discord-what-it-reveals-about-social-media-and-democracy/

Dhaka Post. (2025). Bangladesh is closely monitoring the situation in Nepal. Dhaka Post. https://www.dhakapost.com/national/393697

Dujarric, S. (2025). Statement attributable to the Spokesperson for the Secretary-General, on Nepal. United Nations. https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/sg/statement/2025-09-09/statement-attributable-the-spokesperson-for-the-secretary-general-%E2%80%93-nepal

Ethirajan, A. (2025). Nepal Turmoil adds to India’s Woes in South Asia. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c8xrqld50dko

Gurubacharya, B. (2025). Nepal’s New Prime Minister Urges Calm after Deadly Protests. AP News. https://apnews.com/article/nepal-new-prime-minister-protests-karki-0f552615029eb12574c9587d8d76ec46

Hameed, S., & Mir, Q. R. (2025). Nepal’s Youth Rise Against a Digital Gag Order. Jacobin. https://jacobin.com/2025/09/nepal-youth-social-media-protest

Hindustan Times. (2025). Nepal protest Sept 11 highlights: 34 dead so far, violent stir calms down but curfew extended. Hindustan Times. https://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/nepal-protest-live-updates-gen-z-curfew-protestors-push-ex-chief-justice-sushila-karki-101757556556294.html

Human Rights Watch. (2025). Nepal: Police Fire on ‘Gen Z’ Protest. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/09/09/nepal-police-fire-on-gen-z-protest

Indian Express. (2025). Nepal Protest Highlights: SC, banks in Kathmandu to reopen in phases after suffering heavy damage during Gen Z-led protests. Indian Express. https://indianexpress.com/article/world/nepal-gen-z-protest-live-updates-curfew-army-pm-10241487/

KC, L. (2025). Gen Z Protests Brought About Change in Nepal Via The Powers and Perils of Social Media. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/gen-z-protests-brought-about-change-in-nepal-via-the-powers-and-perils-of-social-media-265365

Khan, A. (2025). Deadly Gen Z Protests Expose Decades of Systemic Rot in Nepal. The New Humanitarian. https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/analysis/2025/09/18/deadly-gen-z-protests-expose-decades-systemic-rot-nepal

Kharel, S. (2025). ‘More Egalitarian’: How Nepal’s Gen Z Used Gaming App Discord to Pick PM. Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/9/15/more-egalitarian-how-nepals-gen-z-used-gaming-app-discord-to-pick-pm

Kharel, S. (2025). ‘Topple this government’: Nepal’s Gen Z protesters demand mass resignation. Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2025/9/9/we-want-mass-resignations-nepals-gen-z-anger-explodes-after-19-killed

Koirala, K. (2025). Gen Z Protests and Role of Social Media in Nepal (September 8-10, 2025).

Lamsal, S., & Tuladhar, S. (2025). Who, or what, is Hami Nepal? Nepali Times. https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-or-what-is-hami-nepal

NDTV World. (2025). A “Nepo Kid” Trend Amid Gen Z-Led Protests Against Nepal’s Social Media Ban. NDTV World. https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/nepo-kid-trends-amid-gen-z-led-protests-against-nepals-social-media-ban-9240003

Share Hub Nepal. (2025). Rastriya Prajatantra Party criticizes government's authoritarian decision to ban social media. Share Hub Nepal. https://sharehubnepal.com/news/83028-corporate-nepal-rastriya-prajatantra-party-criticizes-governments-authoritarian-decision-to-ban-social-media

Sharma, G., & Chitrakar, N. (2025). Young anti-corruption protester Oust Nepal PM Oli. Reuters.https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/young-anti-corruption-protesters-oust-nepal-pm-oli-2025-09-09/

Subedi, B, D. (2025). Deadly Nepal Protests Reflect a Wider Pattern of Gen Z Political Activism Across Asia. The Conversation. https://theconversation.com/deadly-nepal-protests-reflect-a-wider-pattern-of-gen-z-political-activism-across-asia-264968

The Economic Times. (2025). Nepal Army Takes Charge of Security Following Violent Protests in The Country. The Economic Times. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/nepal-army-to-take-charge-of-security-following-violent-protests-in-the-country/articleshow/123790684.cms?from=mdr

The Kathmandu Post. (2025).‘Something Shifted’: Nepal’s Gen Z on their Political Awakening. The Kathmandu Post. https://kathmandupost.com/art-culture/2025/10/09/something-shifted-nepal-s-gen-z-on-their-political-awakening

The Kathmandu Post. (2025). 19 Dead in Gen Z Protests across Nepal. The Kathmandu Post. https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/09/08/19-dead-in-gen-z-protests-across-nepal

Tiwari, S., & Sharma, A. (2025). Nepal Protests: Gen Z Protestors Mobilising Through Discord App to Coordinate Actions. Here’s What They Discussed. Business Today. https://www.businesstoday.in/india/story/nepal-protests-gen-z-protestors-mobilising-through-discord-app-to-coordinate-actions-heres-what-they-discussed-493190-2025-09-09

External Links

"The side of Nepal the media won't show you" (wehatethecold, 2025). https://youtu.be/IyxSqeFrlp0?si=ytcOdgpPuAhXzST8

Notes