The Romanian Council of Students (Consiliul Elevilor) is a network of associative students' organizations which aims to be representative and consultative. The main and adjacent structures conduct various formal and informal activities across the educational sector, for the pre-university levels.
Mission and Purpose
The main purpose of the Council of Students (Consiliul Elevilor – CE) is to serve as an integrative platform that creates the framework necessary for authentic forms of leadership, amongst students, to emerge, through direct and self-driven participation. Secondly, it empowers students, allowing them to voice their preferences and to become equal and proactive actors of the educational systems, and to assume responsibility for shaping a dynamic, highly performing, modern and grassroots approach to pedagogic planning, development and implementation.
Lastly, the Council of Students serves as a watchdog against abuse in the educational system, seeking to reinforce compliance with official norms, acting as observers or even mediators at certain times.
As a hybrid system of democratic participation, the Council of Students can be regarded as a complex institution. On one hand, it can be seen as an empowering activist movement, which fosters engagement and action-taking through various platforms of public deliberation and consultation. On the other, it is a well-integrated structure, operating alongside the major educational entities of the state apparatus, as a mechanism for bridging the gap between students and decision-makers, spearheading alternative or innovative processes, and overall supporting the advancement of the Romanian educational system.
This grassroots-oriented form of free association, at the pre-university level, became the most notable officially-recognized institution (of the Romanian educational system) which acts, in an unmoderated way, in the best interest of the students, through direct representation and participation across an independent, apolitical and non-religious, network of hierarchically interlinked units. Its primary focus is to ensure the existence of a framework in which students can meaningfully voice their preferences, opinions or ideas, and to generate opportunities for direct contributions towards the construction of a diverse, inclusive, modern and performant educational system, based on the organization’s adherence to universal democratic values and freedoms. The structure, via its fundamental objectives and core missions, seeks to remediate some of the major challenges that have eroded the quality of the educational act in post-communist Romania. As such, the main pillars, which form the Council of Students’ organizational goals, while subsequently addressing specific problems, are:
- Representing the students, as the principal beneficiaries of the educational processes, and ensuring that relevant administrative and legislative bodies are acting in accordance with their legitimate interests.
- Advocating for (and ensuring) the active participation and involvement of students, as equal stakeholders, in decision-making procedures that might affect them.
- Monitoring the correct implementation, application, and interpretation of policies related to students’ rights and obligations, while setting measures in place in order to prevent or mediate abuses and conflictual stances.
- Facilitating and fostering knowledge exchanges (e.g. know-how, ideas, win-win situations, good practices, etc.), as a way of enabling and further implementation of innovatory and positive development.
- Ensuring sub and intra-structural growth (alongside their networks of partners), increasing their capacity for autonomous action-taking and the delivery of positive outcomes in the community.[1][2]
Origins and Development
The Council of Students, even though it’s a very particular structure, modeled by the specificity of the Romanian society, finds its origins in an international context. In 1975, the city of Dublin saw the creation of OBESSU (The Organizing Bureau of European School Student Unions). This newly founded trans-national representative body reunited a wide array of student unions across the continent (active in general secondary and secondary vocational education) as Member, Candidate or Affiliate Organisations disseminating their practices, ideas, and desires.[3] It is exactly this international promotion of multi-organizational forms of democratic innovation and participatory spaces in the educational sector, coupled with the broader (geo)political context of the era, which inspired, and ultimately led to the creation of the (Romanian) Council of Students.
The Romanian students, inspired by the actions of their European peers and having gained new rights and freedoms, shortly after the Romanian Revolution and amidst the democratic transition of the country, started, in 1991, forming various councils in schools across the country. In spite of this fact, it is only close to the beginning of the new millennium that this "avant-gardist” and western-driven wave of democratic expression, transcended towards a self-statutory organisation. [4]
Consequently, in 1999 the first County Council of Students (Consiliul Județean al Elevilor – CJE ) was founded, at the students’ request, in Dâmbovița by a group of teachers; 3 years later, the first independent one (entirely managed by students) formed in the city of Cluj-Napoca, with many to follow their example. [5]
Due to an exponential increase in the number of student-led associations, the National Council of Students (Consiliul Național al Elevilor – CNE) was formed in 2006 (as a way to unite the emerging movement), integrating 18 out of the 41 existing Counties. In the same year, the first General Assembly took place in the town of Călimănești (24-25th of March), with the participation of two students and one Inspector for Didactic Activities per County; the sessions were moderated by the State Secretary for Pre-University Education Paloma Petrescu. [6]
Following the success of the first General Assembly, the first document regulating the organization and functioning of the Council of Students was approved. Throughout its articles, the administrative order formally acknowledged the structure and regulated its ways of operating, while also putting it under the direct authority of the Ministry of Education, Research and Youth as a "consultative structure”. [7]
As a result, the following period (2006-2009) the candidates for the NCS were selected by a commission of School Inspectors, and all their decisions required a priori approval by the ministerial cabinet. This situation drastically changed in 2010 with the approval of a new document that enabled: the creation of a CCS in every County, whose development would be facilitated through 8 Regional Council of Students (discontinued after 2015); the creation in every school of a SCS; greater funding allocation and legal jurisdiction; and most importantly, the recognition of its autonomous and independent character.
From there on, with every generation that passed, alongside numerous legislative and administrative orders, aimed at increasing its capacity, autonomy and self-reliance, the structure was fine-tuned and slowly increased its reach, scope and means, evolving into what it is today.[8]
Organizational Structure, Membership, and Funding
A large proportion of the main activities (representation and consultation, through General Assemblies, international forum participation, public discussions, etc.) undertaken by the Council of Students have always been under the auspice of the Ministry of Education and its substructures; funding and support based on unconditional terms, as specified by the law.[9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16]
In recent times, the Council of Students has gained its judicial status, becoming an entity in its own right, meaning that it can generate partnerships, sign contracts of sponsorship, manage funds, or even receive donations (while retaining its non-profit and voluntary character). Analysing all of the secondary activities undertaken by the Council and its substructures (as to observe the range of public and private entities involved into co-organizing, supporting or funding these initiatives) would be impossible. Yet there are a few official partners that have endorsed, for a long time, the activities carried out at the national level, among whom are: UNICEF Romania, OBESSU, Youth Council of Romania, Makosz, Forum Apolum, FITT, The Council for Institutionalized Youths, ANOSR. [17]
Primary Location
The Council of Students, at the moment, presents no permanent headquarters or offices from where it conducts its daily operations. Instead, it is decentralized in terms of physical spaces with national General Assemblies (both extraordinary and ordinary ones) across the counties, in an attempt to spread out its reach and on-sight interactions with regional or local actors. In this light, it can be said that the National Council of Students operates inside the official borders of Romania (with very selective and limited external interactions), alongside its county and school substructures. The latter are likely to host their General Assemblies in various venues, available at their respective county seat (42 in total, which are also known as County Capital Municipality/City), across more than 1200 educational institutions across the country (or even at the headquarters of local, regional, and national administrative or legislative bodies).
Scope of Influence
The geographical scope of the Council of Students varies accordingly to the level of the organization that is used as a measurement, and it presents itself as follows: National and sometimes Regional or International (National Council of Students); Regional and City (County Council of Students); Metropolitan Area (Bucharest Municipal Council of Students); Organization (School Council of Students). While the geographical scope presents fluctuations, the jurisdictional scope remains limited to the Romanian legal structures (including the ones that are shaped in accordance to its adherence to international norms), more precisely the ones which are directly linked or impact the educational system.
Legality
The Council of Students, and all of its subsidiaries, operates within clearly defined legal boundaries. Thus, all of their actions and processes are considered to be in line with the legal frameworks that are in place. Even the internal measures, terms and provisions are legally binding in the face of judicial authorities (as long as they do not breach parts of the common law). Also, the members and the structures constitute legal entities with attributes, responsibilities, and rights set in place through various normative acts.
Structure
The most basic constituent part is the School Council of Students (mandatory in every educational institution) which consists of a General Assembly and an Executive Office. The former is constituted by internally nominated representatives from all High School and Gymnasium level classes. Its primary function is to act as a decisional forum (which sits as often as necessary), overseeing the implementation of different changes, reaching agreement on different issues and gathering feedback, all through public gatherings, debate and voting mechanisms. The Executive Office, consisting of a President, Vice President(s) and Secretary – that are directly elected from the students, through an election system in one or two turns, based upon the majoritarian vote of all the students of that particular educational institution – manages the activities of the Assembly, moderates sessions, sets the agenda, sets forward proposals, ensure the compliance with internal and national policies, act as spokespersons, initiate extra-organizational cooperation, etc. [18]
All the Presidents (unless their duties have been formally handed over to one of the Vice Presidents) of the School Councils of Students are members of the General Assembly for the County Council of Students, based on their real life territorial-administrative distribution. Their activity is in turn directed by an Executive Office, which is elected through direct majoritarian or preferential vote of the General Assembly, which presents some particularities of its own. All the members of the school Executive Offices can present their candidature for positions in the county Executive Office, after they have been delegated by their own General Assembly. In addition to the President, Vice President(s) and Secretary positions the Executive Offices of the counties have 5 different departments each under the authority of a Director (position open to all students of that county), and have the possibility to create new structures as necessary (e.g. Press Bureau, Assistants etc.). A notable exception is the Bucharest Municipality Council of Students which has Vice-Presidents for each district of the city.
In addition to the General Assembly and Executive Office, the National Council of Students includes two more structures: the National Ethics Commission and Press Bureau. Firstly, the General Assembly represents the decisional core and is constituted from all county Presidents, and 3 Vice-Presidents of the Bucharest Municipality Council of Students. Their activity is coordinated by an Executive Office, which includes a President, 8 Vice-Presidents, Executive Secretary for the Department of Internal Affairs and Executive Secretary for the Department of Education and Communication, all elected, by majoritarian or preferential vote of the National General Assembly, from the ranks of the County Presidents.
The National Ethics Commission is formed by 3 members, directly elected by the National General Assembly, and is open to all the members of the organization regarding their level and alumni. Lastly, more of an auxiliary organism, the Press Bureau, is a structure which undertakes assistance tasks, and, although they can actively participate, they do not possess voting rights in the General Assemblies. They directly respond to the Executive Secretary for the Department of Education and Communication and its members are preselected by the former, on a free-for-all students’ voluntary application basis, and then approved, through majoritarian vote on individual grounds, by the National General Assembly. [20][21]
Facilitators
In its early stages of existence, the Council of Students relied heavily on external facilitators, mentors, and trainers to prepare/guide each generation, set mechanisms in place, and ensure that processes of interaction properly occur. They were usually randomly or voluntarily selected from specially designated academic members (e.g. teachers, school inspectorate, ministry staff, etc.). As time passed, they were replaced by other NGOs' members and an internal alumni network that undertook the task of facilitating, moderating, and mentoring the newcomers. In recent times, this has moved on to on-the-go knowledge, hierarchical facilitation, internally-driven crowd teaching, national guidelines and other forms of intra-organizational preparations; external (non-governmental only) actors being requested only for specific facilitation (e.g. coding, development of new voting patterns, opinion polling, and conducting research etc.).
Members and Participants
In terms of the entire population, the Council of Students presents itself as a structure that is limited to students enrolled in primary and secondary education (as they form the core group of the organizations’ activities) – but inside this group, the structure is open to all since it allows the right of participation and involvement in its processes to everyone.
The recruitment of members is done either via elections (which entail different rights of participation and duties) or voluntary involvement (various auxiliary functions); also the right to take part in activities (as an observer) is granted to everyone else and sometimes special requests for involvement are made towards experts, decision-makers, NGO leaders, alumni, etc. The opportunity to take part in elections and their methodology is widely communicated every year across the country through social media, Ministry of Education, and mass-media; while in terms of secondary activities, in general, they tend to be open to the entire community (e.g. charity works, fundraising, petitions, arts and crafts etc.).
All of the expenses encountered during the formal activities of the Council of Students are covered (excluding direct payment), while some efforts have been dedicated to enable easier participation of members with rural, disability, economically difficult or ethnic backgrounds (e.g. direct promotion of the structure, suitable changes in the nature of activities, higher expenses covered).
In terms of representativity, being the highest forums of consultation and representation in the education sector (excluding systems of higher education) its participants have been all of the (roughly) 3 million students that are actively enrolled at any given time. The active members would be as follows: 45 at the national level (executive board) with the addition of representatives from all counties at the General Assemblies (in general 2 per county); 10-15 (board) at the county level with as many members as schools represented; and 5-10 members (board) at school level with as many class representatives as necessary. The exact numbers widely differ, but by adding up it would amount to roughly 13,000 members across the country at all levels. All of its members, including the administration staff (e.g. Press Bureau, Executive Office of the National Council, facilitators, trainers, etc.), are students or at least youth (with the small exception of when external stakeholders are involved in those particular activities — NGOs, experts, freelancers, companies etc.), and their work is completely unpaid, the exception being costs related to travels and other small incidentals.
Specializations, Methods and Tools
Even though the Council of Students uses a wide array of tools and methods, in order to achieve its goals, they are closely tied to the structural arrangements and revolve around the primary goal: representation. Thus, by looking at how the council approaches the representation of students across the country, one can understand some of the main processes, interactions and methods that are used. This is especially so since the structure is one in which internal interactions are formed through well-defined hierarchical patterns which are centralized around the NCS (both amongst members and organizations), while external action-taking can be regarded as more of a bottom-up approach inside the educational sector per se.
The executives' main activities are to close the feedback loops by pushing information downwards, monitor activities in schools, offer guidance, interlink organizations, approve activity reports, demote or apply punitive measures for non-compliance, mediate conflicts, realize petitions, initiate community-wide projects, organize forms of protest; this is done using debate, public hearings, interactions with other stakeholders, focus groups, brainstorming events, consensus or majoritarian voting, bargaining with decision-makers, etc. [19]
At the top of the structure, sits the National Council of Students, which unites all of the structures, coordinates their general activities, sets agendas, proposes nation-wide policies, creates or implements internal regulatory changes, acts on the international stage or in relations with governmental bodies, engages with the wider public and private entities, signs inter-organizational cooperation contracts, attracts sponsors, and more.
Ensuring that the G.A. and E.O. activities are conducted in accordance with the existing judicial framework, and signalling any abuses, is the main task of the National Ethics Commission (alongside mediating conflicts, validating documents, or proposing sanctions etc.).
Approach
The Council of Students possesses a wide array of tools that can be used in order to achieve its primary and secondary objectives, the main approach being a peer-to-peer co-governance and voluntary co-production, alongside the Ministry of Education (its subsidiaries and all other structures that have shared competences in this matter). Secondly, by employing internal consultations and direct decision-making, driven by leadership development of students, they are able to approach the state apparatus through the use of various advocacy-driven methods. Lastly, the structure itself fosters the apparition of creative independent actions, limited forms of protests (especially digitally-oriented), evaluation, oversight and social auditing in the educational sector or informal engagement with NGOs for co-option in activities. This is due to the fact that the structure is divagating its power as much as possible and all of its structural subdivisions (or even individual members) retain certain degrees of autonomy in terms of engaging in various forms of citizenship or civil society building on its behalf, as they see fit.
Major Projects and Events
In time, across all of its levels, the Council of Students has had numerous achievements ranging from policy changes, budget increases, and gaining rights, all the way to community-driven initiatives, network building, or even influencing positive shifts in the general public's mentality[22][23][24]. It has hosted more than 30 National General Assemblies and thousands of County ones.
In terms of policy-making, the Council has:
- created, lobbied, and passed the Students’ Status (ratified through the Order 4742/2016 and published in the Official Gazette, part I, on the 23rd of August 2016) which grants several rights including the students’ voting right in administrative councils[25][26]
- helped the passing of the Law 38/2019 [27] (and many others) which amends and improves the Law for National Education 1/2011[28], in regards to student bursaries and other financing, demanded through an open letter for the Government signed by more than 36,000 people[29];
- initiated the Youths' Resolution in 2016 alongside more than 20 other organisations[30];
- actively rejected (lately was taken down) the Government Emergency Order 51/2019[31]
Protest and Awareness
In 2018, the Council started a campaign for the improvement of curriculum, signed by more than 150,000 people. In 2019, it started the movement #emptysheets (offering an empty subject sheet as a sign of personal protest during the national simulations for the baccalaureate and 8th grade exams) which gained national attention[32]. The Council also organized "Mourning for Education” a protest aimed at the celebrations for the commencement of the new educational year[33] Also in 2018, it presented the RISEN report regarding the real-world situation of school transportation in Romania. [34]
Projects:
The Council organized a national forming session in Cluj-Napoca (2018) which reunited more than 100 newly elected student representatives; realized the Students’ Illustrated Guide (2019), which promotes students’ rights and obligations, and started a promoting caravan in all the major cities of the country; [35] hosted the National Student Gala[36]; sustained the development of the Volunteering Law 78/2014[37]; became a full member into OBESSU[38] and inspired the creation of a Council of Students in the Republic of Moldova (2013)[39]; and participated at the European Youth Seminar and EU Youth Conference in Brussels (2019).[40]
Analysis and Lessons Learned
The council of Students represents a peculiar hybrid structure and there are some lessons, good practices, and examples that can be learned from it. Being similar to the formats used in National Public Policy Conferences (especially the Brazilian one)[41] and student senates (the ASUW one)[42], the literature surrounding that area also applies to the Council of Students and can be extrapolated (e.g. the works of scholars such as Pogrebinschi, McCabe, Walden or Camden). Similar to them, the Councils' participants are elected; after, their candidacy is approved, with their term duration, responsibilities, and rights varying according to the role they take. Sometimes the election processes represent a challenge as there is a general tendency either for the same person to maintain their position year-after-year due to the fact that they might register high satisfaction rates, already have ensured the support of the majority, present themselves with better experiences compared to newcomers, or there is simply no one else to step up. There has also been the case for high fluidity in terms of position occupancy, this in turn presenting quite a challenge, especially when the Executive Offices are vacated mid-term as it is hard to arrange an effective election and campaigns in the middle of the school year. In general, the duration of the mandate makes candidates and those who occupy positions of leadership in the end think in the short term with respect to revenue; this issue is largely controlled by the National Council of Students, which imposes sets of values, projects, and endeavours to its substructures—which are cross-generational, repetitive, easy to replicate and in general long-term, in order for the activities to have continuity and a high impact rate (e.g. lobbying for an increase in educational budgeting to 6% of the GDP which has been continuously pursued for more than 10 years).
The organization redefines and deploys participatory tools similar to the ones used in mini-publics, citizens’ summit/panel/assembly and public budgeting; emphasizing freedom of expression, deliberation, idea generation, agreement reaching, inclusion, etc. It differs due to its repetitive, formal, and governmentally-linked character. While this is true, the Council of Students often uses tools such as petitions, Q&A, or public panels with governmental representatives, focus-groups, pooling and online voting, protests, policy-proposals and lobbying or bargaining, workshops, and more.
It is easy to say from these that it is a traditional form of democratic participation, but the interesting factor lies in the capacity of the organization to strike a balance between formal integration and recognition in the state apparatus and truly voicing and representing its targeted audience. This took the form of a semi-symbiotic relationship with the administrative and legislative agencies. On one hand, the Councils’ legal framework, funding and creation was done by a governmental body, under the pressure of the students demanding freedom of expressions, but on the other it was designed in such a way that the law itself guarded the organization from intervention, co-option or forms of coercion by clearly specifying and regulating institutional interactions. This in turn has led to an organic development of its capacities (similar to other NGOs), alongside its primary consultation and representation functions, which helped the structure to become both a relevant partner and actor in the educational sector but also a self-centered organization which is constructing its own pathways to achieve long-term community development both internally and externally.
One of the first challenges faced by the organization was that of striking a balance between formal authorities and integration into the state apparatus and true representativity. This took the form of a semi-symbiotic relationship in which the legal framework and creation was generated by a governmental body, while also funding most of the activity, but it specifically guaranteed it from forms of intervention, co-option, coercion and many others in order to allow for autonomy and capacity of acting and representing while also serving as a platform of consultancy. The main strength which emerges from this initial approach is the fact that the expansion of the structure, its development and its influence have exponentially grown from its apparition (e.g. being mandatory by law for every school to create one led to a sudden burst of them; having meetings with the Minister of Education from the beginning made the structure increase its power of representation quite quickly and allowed it to interact with the state apparatus from the start). The weakness of this design, in terms of democratic processes, is seen during the first years of existence and is represented through mainly a struggle to gain independence, become truly apolitical, avoid interference from governmental bodies.
The closeness with the formal entities can simply be seen as an attempt to copy European developments, by creating a structure which was subordinated to the Ministry of Education almost entirely; it gained through an initial governmental pull-over of resources, significance, influence, reach, know-how, and relevance, the status of partner and consultation forum, only to become more self-reliant over time and completely independent in its actions nowadays (with only funding being gained through it).
Spectrum of Public Participation
If one were to place the Council of Students inside the IAP2 Spectrum of Public Participation, one could observe that its contributions and interactions fit between the larger descriptions of the Collaborate/Involve categories. This dualistic indexation is primarily due to the fact that the variations occur based on two ever-changing aspects: on one hand, the organizational level that is analysed (e.g. school structures are more likely to collaborate and share power with administrative councils or directors, while county ones might just get involved in the City Hall's decisions), and on the other hand, the nature of the participation act (e.g. due to the wide array of activities, the Ministry or Governmental Agencies might be keen to collaborate towards the development of new assignment methods, but just involve participants on the matter of curriculum or even simply inform of the scheduling of break periods). In this case, it is safe to say that the Council of Students’ public participation, more often than not, revolves around these two broad categories, while acknowledging that it presents variations which can be, based on their specificity, pinned down almost everywhere on the spectrum.
Publications
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See Also
National Public Policy Conferences (Brazil)
References
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[33] Din, R. (2019, Sept 8). "Doliu pentru Educație." Consiliul Naţional al Elevilor îndeamnă toti elevii să protesteze cu ocazia începerii cursurilor. https://www.mediafax.ro/social/doliu...
[34] Consiliul Elevilor. (2017). Rapportul privind Implementarea Statutulu Elevului la nivel naţional. https://consiliulelevilor.ro/wp-content/uploads/2019...
[35] Forum Apulum. (n.d.). Ghidul Illustrat al Elevului. https://forumapulum.ro/ro/educatie-civica/ghidul-elevului
[36] Gala Elevului Reprezentant (2020). https://gala.consiliulelevilor.ro/
[37] Parlamentul României. (n.d.). Lege privind reglementarea activităţii de voluntariat în România. http://federatiavolum.ro/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/LV_promulgata.pdf
[38] OBESSU - Organising Bureau of European Student School Unions. (n.d.) Members. https://www.obessu.org/about/members/romania/consiliul-na-ional-al-elevilor-cne/
[39] CICDE (2018). Ghid practic „Ziua alegerilor Consiliului Elevilor”. UNDP. https://www.undp.org/content/dam/moldova/docs/Ghid... [pdf]
[42] European Commission (n.d.). National Policies Platform. https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/en/content/youthwiki/53-youth-representation-bodies-romania
[43] National Public Policy Conferences (Brazil). Participedia. Last modified Sept 1, 2020, https://participedia.net/method/5450
[44] ASUW Student Senate. Participedia. Last modified August 6, 2020, https://participedia.net/case/50
External Links
UNICEF Romania, OBESSU, Youth Council of Romania, Forum Apolum, FITT, The Council for Institutionalized Youths, ANOSR
Notes
This entry was originally submitted as a case and was converted to an organization to meet Participedia's definitional standards.